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Post by cjm on Nov 4, 2015 16:50:33 GMT
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Post by cjm on Feb 1, 2016 5:20:22 GMT
Max du Preez is sonder twyfel ondersteunend van die studente opstande (en seker die kampuswerkers wat ook skielik ontdek het dat hulle griewe het). Hy sien dit nie net as 'n kwessie oor klasgelde nie, maar as 'n algemene ontevredenheid (tans deur 'n minderheidsgroep) oor die die regering se doen en late. Hy meen ook dat dit die regering sal dwing om meer ag te slaan op die inwoners van die land. Wat hy betreur is die afwesigheid van veral wit Afrikanerstudente in die proteste.
Goedkeurende kommentaar oor onwettige optrede, nadat dit plaasgevind het, skep nie sommer regsaanspreeklikheid nie (De Wet: Strafreg, Butterworths (1985), p199.) Die probleem is dat sommige van die uitlatings gemaak is voordat die die opstande afgeloop was met die R 150 miljoen se skade, ontwrigting en inbreukmaking op betalende studente se reg op studie en eksamens. Veiligheid op die kampusse was ook 'n kwessie.
Veral in die een artikel wat ek gelees het skyn dit asof onwettige protesaksie nie deur Max ondersteun word nie.“It is a good development that South African students are awakening from their slumber of more than two decades. We as a society need their activism. I wish, though, that these students would understand that they would have to convince most of us, the rest of the country’s citizens and taxpayers, of their causes and the reasons behind them if they want to be really successful in achieving the universities and society they have in mind. They cannot afford to leave the impression that they are petulant teenagers behaving as if they’re oblivious that South Africa is an open society and a constitutional democracy. I’m not saying they have to behave politely like Sunday school children. Polite, friendly protests aren’t really protests. I’m also not saying they should temper their anger, not at all. Violent behaviour is the cut-off point, though.
Few South Africans will accept it if these students continue to disrespect the rights of their fellow students. They are not the protesters’ enemies. Disrupting classes and blockading campuses are simply unacceptable and selfish behaviour. “ Terselfdertyd aanvaar hy dat vreedsame protes niks vermag nie.
“ But I had to remind myself that this was South Africa: nobody takes notice of your grievances if you simply hand over a petition.If you resort to violence, of course, as a few had done yesterday in Johannesburg, you simply deserve to be charged in a criminal court and kicked out of university. But the one or two incidents of violence do not delegitimise the whole cause.” Gegewe dat hy aanvaar dat onwettige optrede 'n algemene uitvloeisel is van die protesaksies, is dit mos kinderlik naief om die opstande te ondersteun sonder om te aanvaart dat dit noodwendig tot onwettige optrede sal lei (soos dit dan ook keer op keer doen).
Na my mening besef hy dat onwettige optrede sal volg en dat die onwettige optrede eintlik nodig is om die “boodskap” tuis te bring. Ek kan nie sien dat dit iets andets is as aanhitsing tot onwettige optrede nie; 'n Kwalik bedekte boodskap van doen so voort.
Die ironie is dat die “demokrasie” in sy wêreld nie meer genoegsaam is om dit te doen wat hy graag wil hê nie. 'n Minderheidsgroepering moet nou gebruik word om die nodige verandering aan te bring. Is die regering dan nie demokraties verkies nie? Hoekom word hulle nie uitgestem as die bevolking so ontevrede is nie? Die feit van die saak is dat die regering die meeste mense in die land se aspirasies weerspieël en hierdie rewolusionêre optrede wat Max aanblaas is lynreg in stryd daarmee. Diegene wat so tekere gaan oor gratis opleidng betaal ook nie die rekeninge nie, maar ons moet seker maar verlief neem dat die belastingbetaler nie eintlik saak maak nie (ook nie die universiteitspersoneel wie se salarisse ingekort word nie).
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Post by cjm on Feb 1, 2016 17:25:00 GMT
'n Beknopte kyk na die regsposisie omtrent "aanhitsing".
Die basis is Artikel 18(2) van die Wet op Oproerige Byeenkomste. (Wet 17 van 1956).
Die wet praat van iemand “uitlok, aanstig, beveel, verkry” om 'n oortreding te pleeg. 'n Oortreding wat hier moontlik ter sake is, is die pleeg van openbare geweld.
Die howe het 'n ruim siening van die moontlike metodes wat gebruik kan word om aan te hits. Dit is ook nie nodig dat die oortreding waartoe aangehits word eers gepleeg hoef te word nie. Die aanhitsing moet effektief gekommunikeer word maar gegewe dat Max dit in 'n nuusblad uitskree, word daardie element aan voldoen.
Max sal waarskynlik sê dat hy spesifiek geweld veroordeel. Na my mening is dit lippetaal en is die dele wat geweld veroordeel onversoenbaar met die strekking van sy denkwyse. Hy voorsien dat die geweld 'n inherente deel van “vreedsame” Suid-Afrikaanse openbare proteste is. Hy sê ook dat sonder geweld die proteste eintlik niks werd is nie. Dan hemel hy die proteste op en verwelkom die woede wat ter sprake is. Die een of twee misdadige insidente wat noodwendig (volgens hom) volg, maak hy af as niksseggend.
Hy sal seker ook ontken dat hy die bedoeling gehad het om die vuur aan te blaas. Seer sekerlik het hy voorsien dat verdere geweld kan volg met 'n ophemeling van die onrus, en hom daaraan afgesmeer.
Ek haal enkele grepe uit 'n handboek aan wat die basiese posisie uiteensit (voetnotas is verwyder)
INCITEMENT
INTRODUCTION
The need for timely law enforcement intervention in order to prevent the commis- sion of crime and the perceived need to prevent group criminality are the major justifications for punishing incitement.
In R v Ndlovo' the Appellate Division ruled that it is a crime at common law to incite another to commit a crime even though nothing further is done towards its oommission.
Incitement is also made punishableby statute.The relevant section is s 18(2)(b) of the Riotous Assemblies Act which provides that:
"any person who . . . incites, instigates, commands or procures any other person to commit any offence, whether at common law or against a statute or statutory regulation, shall be guilty of an offence [...]."
Section 18(2)(b) makes no distinction between the case where the incitee does commit the crime incited and where he or she does not. Strictly speaking, incitement should be confined to the latter situation, for if the crime has been committed the inciter is guilty of the substantive crime itself either as a perpetrator or as an accomplice and should be charged as such.
An inciter is one who unlawfully makes a communication to another with the intention of influencing him or her to commit a crime.’
...
Nkosiyana settled the vexed question of whether incitement requires an element of persuasion, inducement, etc, or whether a mere request is sufficient. Prior to Nkosiyana some cases required, or appeared to require, such an element for liability; in others the view was taken that it was sufficient if the accused merely requested another to commit a crime; and some were indecisive on this issue. In Nkosiyana Holmes JA expressed the view that ‘some of the doubt is attributable to exclusive preoccupation with the dictionary meaning of incite, namely to urge, spur on, stir up, animate, instigate, stimulate or provoke',and having stressed that the essential inquiry relates to the intention of the legislature, the judge of appeal stated the law as follows:
"an inciter is one who reaches and seeks to influence the mind of another to the commission of a crime. The machinations of criminal ingenuity being legion, the approach to the other's mind may take various forms. such as suggestion, proposal. request. exhortation. gesture, argument, persuasion, inducement, goading, or the arousal of cupidity. The list is not exhaustive. The means employed are of secondary importance; the decisive question in each case is whether the accused reached and sought to influence the mind of the other person towards the commission of a crime. . . .I reiterate that the purpose of making incitement a punishable offence is to discourage persons from seeking to influence the minds of others towards the commission of crimes. Hence, depending on the circumstances, there may be an incitement irrespective of the responsiveness, real or feigned, or the unresponsiveness of the person sought to be influenced.”
Modern technology has made it possible to incite large numbers of persons by communicating with them via the internet or through the use of cellular phones.
...
Principles of Criminal Law, Jonathan M. Burchell, Juta, 2013
p 519 et seq[/i]
'n Meer kritiese uiteensetting kan by Prof De Wet gevind word.
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Post by cjm on Dec 30, 2020 18:32:51 GMT
stamp
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